Consolidation of Jammu’s secular, regional identity

By Balraj Puri

An important outcome of the recent elections is the consolidation of secular identity of Jammu. The way the BJP had been rejected by Jammu voters marks a qualitiative change in the regional and state politics.

The BJP won only one seat now whereas it was leading in 31 out of 37 Assembly segments in the last Lok Sabha election in 1999 in this region. It’s sole victory was against the scion of the royal family and a minister, Ajat Shatru. A young BJP worker and local candidate from Nagrota became the rallying figure of protest.

The Congress won 15 out of 20 seats from Jammu. It promised to redress its long standing grievances about neglect by the rulers (who always belonged to Kashmir), remove regional imbalances in political, financial, developmental and administrative fields through Regional Development Boards and a federal set up. But its catchy slogan was that the CM would be from Jammu region.

As Mr Ghulam Nabi Azad was a Muslim from Doda district of Jammu, it consolidated Hindu majority and Muslim majority districts into a single cohensive regional identity.

We represented to the Delimiation Commission, on behalf of about 1,000 voters from Doda that they did not want separation from Jammu. I explained to the chairman of the Commission and the then Union Home Minister Gulzari  Lal Nanda of the dangerous consequences of division of Jammu on religious lines. Fortunately, both agreed and the proposal was shelved.

When I presented my draft outline of a constitution for the state which provided for regional autonomy, a suggestion for Doda’s separation from Jammu and merger with Kashmir was made. However, after I argued against it, Sheikh Abdullah and others changed their mind. Later, the Sheikh asked me to accompany him on a tour of Doda district. He said that some of his colleagues had not reconciled to Doda remaining a part of Jammu and that the issue would be raised during his tour. If I was with him he could assure the people of the district that persons like me would take care of their interests in Jammu region, he added.

At many places, the address of welcome did make a plea for unity of Doda with Kashmir on the basis of religious and linguistic affinity. The Sheikh used his oratorical skill to rubbish the plea. If religions could be basis of unity, Muslim world would not have been divided into more than 50 countries and there would not have been wars between them, he argued. Moreover, what about Hindus who lived in Doda, he asked. He categorically asserted that the bonds of history, geography, trade and culture between Doda and the rest of the Jammu region were too strong to be broken. He further added that if Doda remained a part of Jammu, it would ensure secular character of Jammu.

This settled the controversy about the integrity of the Jammu region; at least so it seemed. Till the idea of division of the region was revived by New York-based Kashmir Study Group headed by a rich Kashmiri businessman Farooq Kathwari. It included many influential Americans. It proposed merger of Doda with Kashmir as 40 per cent of its population spoke Kashmiri (what about 60 per cent of the population?) and of Rajouri-Poonch districts of Jammu with Kashmir; “though they did not speak Kashmiri, but since they had been interacting with Kashmiri Muslims for so long” (as if there is no interaction between Hindus of Jammu within their co-ethnic community of Muslims of the region).

Somehow he became a favourite of the Indian embassy in Washington and came to India in early 1999. He reportedly met leaders including the RSS chief in Jammu, he had a long talk with the Chief Minister and me and, according to him, with none else. Later, he visited Pakistan.

Farooq Abdullah immediately sought to implement Kathwari formula by proposing division of Jammu into Hindu and Muslim majority areas. A few years later, the RSS-VHP combine demanded a separate state for Jammu. Though it insists that it wants whole of the region to comprise the new state, the incapacity of the sponsors to get the support of the Muslims is obvious. Thus virtually it supplemented Farooq’s  proposal. It was welcomed by Jamat-e-Islam leader of Kashmir Syed Ali Shah Gilani and Hizbul Mujahideen.

Once again the move flopped. The National Conference did not make it it a poll issue. Most of the candidates of the RSS-sponsored Jammu State Morcha, despite support of the BJP in some constituencies, lost security deposits. Ghulam Nabi Azad’s reluctant but fortuitous leadership of Congress and remarkable recovery of the party at the hustings have again consolidated unity of Jammu.

The significance of this fact should not be underestimated. Not only it would satisfy Jammu’s urge for identity and empowerment but also strengthen its role as the vital geo-political link between Kashmir and the rest of India. A secular and friendly Jammu is the best guarantee for safeguarding the identity and interests of Kashmir.

The wrangling over regional claims over chief ministership that followed the election results, however, underlines inadequacies of political developments. For a lasting solution of the problem of inter-regional relations, there does not appear to be any other way out than the assurance of Jawaharlal Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah on July 24, 1952, on my demand, to provide for regional autonomies in the constitution of the state; so that Chief Minister to one region does not mean total disempowerment of the other region.

*The writer is a Jammu-based political commentator

 (Source: The Tribune)

Previous

Index

Next